Islam is the real positive change that you need to change for being a better person or a perfect human being, you can change yourself if you read QURAN, IF YOU DO THAT !! you will change this UMMAH, say I am not A Sunni or Shia, BUT I am just a MUSLIM. Be a walking QURAN among human-being AND GUIDE THEM TO THE RIGHT PATH.
Wayne Hay is a roving correspondent covering the Asia-Pacific region.
October 15, 2012 - 15:51
Framework peace plan is aimed at paving the way for an end to a 40-year conflict [Reuters]
Seeing rebels from the Moro Islamic
Liberation Front (MILF) inside the Presidential Palace in Manila was a
surreal sight. Some of the leaders of the MILF had been there before and
met with various presidents over the years, but this was different.
The
emotion that was on display in Manila, and in the south, following the
signing of the framework agreement was perhaps an encouraging sign that
this deal will succeed where others have failed.
But it must be
stressed how far there is to go before permanent peace can be achieved
and the autonomous region of Bangsamoro becomes a reality.
There
will be some people in the south who will try to derail the process
after the signing of the agreement between the MILF and the government
of the Philippines. There are other rebel groups operating there and
some have complained that they were not consulted about the new
agreement and therefore won't respect it.
The government says the
smaller rebel groups will now be labelled lawless and will be pursued by
the army and the police. Presumably in the not too distant future, they
will be given assistance by their new friends, the MILF, which is the
largest rebel group operating in the south.
But over the next few years, the MILF fighters will lay down their weapons in what is one of the key parts of the document.
The
fighting force of at least 11,000 will be disbanded and it's believed
this was one of, if not the most contentious areas during the
negotiations and promises to cause more problems if the leadership of
the rebel group is not strong and unified. A senior government source
involved in the negotiations said the disarmament issue is the biggest
sticking point going forward.
Guns have been a part of the rebels' lives for such a long time, giving them up may not be so easy.
Zenawi's regime will be remembered for holding Ethiopia together as one country even under the centripetal ethnic order.
Last Modified: 17 Nov 2012 17:13
There is little doubt that Meles
Zenawi's political architecture gave modest advantages to most ethnic
groups in the country who were the subjects of the empire [EPA]
Any recent visitor to Ethiopia would be struck by the
ubiquitous billboards commemorating the late Prime Minister's life, two
months after his demise. Meles Zenawi's photo form the backdrop to the
TV screens and adorns the streets of all the major towns and villages.
These sights were supplemented by the chorus of Africa leaders that
attended the PM's funeral and who lavished praise on this "dedicated son
of African soil". He was depicted as the untiring leader who toiled for
the upliftment of the indigent peoples of Ethiopia and Africa.
Among this choir were African presidents and prime ministers whose
own policies have degraded the lives of their people. The least
distinguished of these visitors were the former President and Prime
Minister of Somalia whose tenure in power was marred by their total
subservience to the Ethiopia regime.
One wonders if this orchestrated and well managed public love of the
late Zenawi reflects the thoughts and feeling of the peoples of Ethiopia
and the neighbouring states where the PM's policies had the greatest
footprint.
Putting aside the propaganda of the Ethiopian governing party, the
admiration of his cohort of political friends and partisan Ethiopian
critics, most objective analysts would agree that, unlike the visiting
African leaders, Zenawi left behind a record that deserves critical
scrutiny. Zenawi's legacy
Zenawi's legacy can be viewed through two analytical lenses: a) his domestic footprint; (b) and his regional impact.
To assess the PM's legacy, we need to understand the political and
economic context of Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa when Zenawi and his
party, the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), came to power in
1991.
Ethiopians mourn Meles Zenawi
First, Ethiopia was devastated by a brutal military dictatorship that
massacred hundreds of thousands of people, while it also presided over
the catastrophic famine of 1984 that devastated several regions of the
country.
Additionally, the military regime wasted Ethiopia's meagre and
precious resources to oppress the legitimate struggle of the Eritrean
people, as well as others inside Ethiopia, such as Tigray, Somali and
the Oromos, to mention a few. War, famine and oppression were the
hallmark of Ethiopia in 1990, and the regime was exhausted and had run
out of ideas and energy to move the country beyond multiple calamities.
Then came the last drive of the Eritrean resistance against the
regime since they already controlled the entire countryside and
surrounded the capital Asmara. Their ally in Ethiopia (TPLF) then pushed
towards Addis Ababa and within a couple of months, it became clear that
the regime's days were numbered.
Given the ethnic character of the TPLF, it was not clear whether its
takeover of the capital will induce a new civil war with the Oromo
liberation Front and other communities. Concerned about the possibility
of having another failed state in the region, with all the attendant
problems such as a tidal wave of refugees, the United States brokered an
agreement between the regime and the TPLF. This pact allowed for a
"peaceful" takeover of the capital and Mengistu's departure for exile.
The TPLF brought with it a client group of ethnic political parties,
the so-called PDOs (People's Democratic Organisations), who jointly
formed what became known as EPRDF. But there has never been any doubt
that TPLF controlled the levers of power in the country.
The junior partners of the "coalition" were supposed to provide
national legitimacy for the new ethnic authority, however, the Ethiopian
public largely considered the PDOs as lackeys. The independent Oromo
Liberation Front (OLF), which initially joined the ruling coalition,
failed to understand TPLF's militarist agenda and paid the ultimate
price as the latter swiftly destroyed its military base.
After this defeat, OLF went underground where it has virtually become
inconsequential. Establishing the new order and consolidating TPLF's
power took nearly a decade after which the regime turned more of its
attention to other matters.
After 21 years in power, we can emphatically state that Zenawi's
regime has been a Janus-faced order. Its political rhetoric exuded
democracy, peace, national harmony and development, but behind that
façade was a determined security apparatus that crushed even the most
democratic attempts to challenge its authority.
This rhetoric proved seductive enough for outsiders, but all
indications are that it has failed to sway a majority of the population.
It is these two faces of the regime that the remaining section of this
brief will focus on.
But I must first provide an explanatory note about the nationalist
character of the regime. I can categorically state that the late Premier
Zenawi was an Ethiopian nationalist, despite the claims of some of the
opponents that he was building Tigray for an eventual secession, if
needs be.
Many critics of the TPLF regime claim that it exploited the resources
of most regions in Ethiopia to develop its home province. There is a
grain of truth to this assertion, but I would suggest that to be a
nationalist does not exclude a regime from internally differentiating
regions by privileging some over others.
Most critics do not understand that there are two kinds of
nationalists: civic and sectarian nationalists. Civic nationalists
genuinely try to treat all regions and citizens alike and fairly. In
contrast, sectarian nationalists protect the territorial integrity of
the country but also establish a hierarchy of power which privileges
certain groups and political factions.
Zenawi and his regime represented the latter version of nationalism and are not alone in this regard in the developing world. Domestic footprint
Zenawi's group and those they invited to take part in the political conference in the early 1990s produced a constitution which nominally privileged ethnic identity. They subsequently divided the country into ethnic provinces.
Inside Story - Life after Ethiopia's Meles Zenawi
There is little doubt that this political architecture gave modest advantages to most ethnic groups in the country who were the subjects of the empire, but such gains belied the fact that Addis Ababa remained the decisive power centre of the country.
More critically, a small group of TPLF cadre and the security
establishment they strategically controlled have had the final say about
all the major issues. Even when the affiliates of the TPLF became
senior ministers, they remained pliant cadre without a backbone.
I have witnessed the humiliation that comes with such status. The
absence of any degree of autonomy on the part of those affiliates
manifestly demonstrates that belonging to EPRDF has been like George
Orwell's Animal Farm where "All animals are created equal, but some animals are created more equal than others".
Despite cowering their partners and most of the population, Zenawi
and his regime can legitimately claim several major accomplishments.
First, the regime has created a physical infrastructure for the country
that is better than what was left behind by all the previous regimes combined.
The road network that spans to most regions of the country can
facilitate national integration and development if progressively used.
Second, the number of public universities has increased substantially
over the last decade and this has allowed many young Ethiopians to gain
access to some form of higher education.
Third, the electrically grid of the country has been expanded and
more hydroelectric dams have been built or are under construction and
this has expanded the country's energy supply. Some of these dams were
initiated illegally because other riparian countries that have a stake
in the rivers were not consulted and no agreements were reached to
satisfy all parties. Despite such illegal and unethical preemptions, the
growth in electric production bodes well for the country's economic
growth.
Fourth, an intensive regime of mineral exploration has been put in
place which could deliver dividends for the country in the long run.
Fifth, Zenawi and his team have not ameliorated the population's
vulnerability to famine, but fortunately the country has avoided the
catastrophic famines that used to take hundreds of thousands of lives.
Finally, there has been an increase in the volume of foreign
investment in the country and the rate of economic growth has been
substantial despite starting from a very low base.
The regime's liabilities are also numerous, but here is a sample of
the major ones. First, in spite of the seemingly smooth transfer of
authority to the Deputy Prime Minister, power is still wielded by
individuals without legitimate institutional anchors. As such, authority
in Ethiopia is extremely concentrated in two nodes that completely
overlap: the TPLF core and the security establishment.
The ultimate anchor of power is the security apparatus which has been
loyal to the TPLF rather than the country and the constitution. Such
concentration of power has enfeebled all other institutions and has
created a political culture and society deeply marooned in fear rather
than genuine loyalty and respect for national institutions. The
political and social consequences of this republic of fear are far reaching.
Second, although the economic sphere has been somewhat more
liberalised, loyalty to the regime is still central to an entrepreneur's
ability to succeed. In many instances, party connections are essential
to start a major business, and important sectors of the economy are
dominated by the party and its friends.
Third, the republic of fear has suffocated the entire political
spectrum through its unwillingness to tolerate even a minor political
opposition. By claiming to win over 95 per cent of the votes in the last
election, the regime has created a make-believe world where it is
adored by all.
Fourth, in some parts of the developing world, academics are not free
to present their ideas/work regarding their countries' ailments, and
Ethiopia appears to be the model of academic unfreedom. This has been
accomplished through the elimination of tenure or long-term contracts
for faculty and the appointment of political loyalists to top academic
positions.
If a professor indulges in critical analysis of the political and
development affairs of the country, there is little chance that his or
her contract will be renewed. Fear is the life blood of this system and
compels productive academics to either leave the country if they can, or
languish in the margins, or simply become sycophants of the regime to
maintain their livelihoods. Nevertheless, there are a few courageous
scholars who have stayed true to the ethos of the academy and still
remain in the country against incredible odds.
Fifth, poor people dominate the landscape of Ethiopian cities and
towns, and the UN has reported that over 80 per cent of the building
structures of the capital are of slum quality.
Mindful of this image, the regime has embarked on urban renewal that
will ultimately remove most of the poor from the city and allocate the
"freed" spaces to shopping malls and investors. It intends to house the
indigents removed from those areas in apartments built on the outskirts
of the city without examining alternative schemes that will keep these
residents in their neighbourhoods.
Power vacuum fears engulf Ethiopia
Finally, the collective effect of these liabilities is that public
institutions in the country are beholden to the individuals in power
rather that embodying national ethos. The shameless use of the security
forces to retain power or intimidate the political opposition, and the
culture of fear this engenders means that Premier Zenawi and his regime
reinforced institutions the public fears but they have failed to create
legitimacy for the post-1991institutions.
Without legitimate institutions that are autonomous from particular
leaders, the country remains in danger of fully sliding into an ethnic
political strife. The regional impact
The "winds of change" in the Horn of Africa in 1990/1991 created
opportunities which could have produced a bright future for all.
Post-1991, Eritrean and Ethiopian leaders were cut from the same
political cloth since they closely collaborated in the battle field to
dislodge the Mengistu regime.
Nevertheless, one major factor separated the two movements: one was
mainly a national liberation movement while the other was primarily an
ethnic liberation project. On the Eastern front, Somalia provided
material and diplomatic support for the leadership of both the Eritrean
and Ethiopian liberation fronts, and the Somali people keenly followed
the advances of the two fronts against Mengisu's military while they
also hoped for the fall of the Somali dictator.
I remember visiting the border regions of Ethiopia and Somalia after
the fall of Siyaad and Mengistu where I saw the population relish their
new freedoms on either side of the border. The hope was that a new and
more progressive political chapter for the region was in the offing.
But the new lords of Ethiopia were steeped in a sanitised imperial
orthodoxy. During the first decade in power, Zenawi and his subordinates
adopted the same ethnic political logic, tested in Ethiopia's ethnic
provinces, to manipulate Somali affairs in the old Republic.
The authorities in Addis Ababa made no effort to reach out to Somali
civics, but instead chose warlords and sectarian political actors as
their best collaborators. Once the Somali people realised Ethiopia's new
strategy of "divide and rule", old animosities resurfaced and the
Ethiopian occupation of parts of the Somali Republic and its invasion of
their country and capital in 2006-08 dashed the last residue of good
well. Nearly all Somali civic nationalists now see Ethiopia as an
enduring enemy.
In the north, the Ethiopian and Eritrean leaders who claimed to be
the best of friends slowly drifted towards conflict and imposed a
horrible, costly and unnecessary war on the population. The goodwill
which has been nurtured in the battlefield of liberation vanished.
After a devastating war which wasted over 100,000 lives, the two
regimes consented to arbitration. An international boundary commission
was set and both governments guaranteed to accept the commission's
findings.
Eritrea immediately embraced the findings once the commission
rendered its verdict. Unfortunately, Ethiopia is yet to honour its
commitment as it introduced new conditions to the process and the
international community has failed to enforce the commission's ruling.
Consequently and unfortunately, the two countries remain in a virtual
state of war. The verdict
There is little doubt that history will judge Premier Zenawi as one
of the two major leaders in Ethiopian history. His regime will be
remembered for holding Ethiopia together as one country even under the
centripetal ethnic order which his regime officially introduced.
"There is little doubt that history will judge Premier Zenawi as one of the two major leaders in Ethiopian history."
Second, Ethiopian nationalists will celebrate him as the man who
invaded Somalia and occupied Mogadishu. Third, his government will be
regarded for developing the country's physical and educational
infrastructure, and for refreshingly having the ambition of becoming a
developmental state.
What Ethiopian democrats will not forgive is the regime's failing to
establish a political order and national institutions that have earned
the loyalty and respect of the people. The conflation of the regime's
interests with the national cause and the use of the security forces to
domesticate the population is not a sustainable strategy if Ethiopia is
to ever evolve into a vibrant democracy. The republic of fear must give way to the rule of law to thwart a more foreboding future.
On the regional front, posterity will not be kind to the Zenawi
regime as it has totally squandered the opportunity to forge a more
peaceful and collaborative relations with Eritrea and Somalia given the
goodwill of these two peoples.
Allowing Somalis the opportunity to rebuild their government and
society in a democratic fashion would have eliminated traditional
hostilities between the two countries and boosted their mutuality.
Further, this approach would have shifted hundreds of millions of
dollars from the war machine to development which is desperately needed.
Instead of building on that goodwill, the regime embarked on a reign
of terror to destabilise Eritrea and keep Somalia in its catastrophic
condition. Sadly, the attempt to impose regional tyranny will ricochet
on Ethiopia and shall perpetuate the misery of all the peoples in the
region. It is not too late to change course and anchor developments on
the significant and positive elements of the last two decades, but will
there be the wisdom and the will in Addis Ababa? Abdi Ismail Samatar is professor of geography at the
University of Minnesota and a research fellow at the University of
Pretoria, South Africa.
Ayan Hussein, a London stylist originally from Somaliland,
shows dresses she sells to local Muslim women, inside her clothing
store in Somaliland's capital Hargeisa. (AFP)
By AFP Hargeisa
Two years ago, fashion designer Ayan Hussein left the high-end
stores of Britain’s capital for a stab at promoting fashion that was in
line with Muslim tradition in her Somali homeland.
But she and her family, along with thousands of other Somalis who have
returned in the hope of drumming up business or out of nostalgia, often
find themselves facing culture shock.
“It is not the same as in London... not the slightest,” says Hussein’s
18-year-old son Guled, who does not speak a word of Somali.
“There is dust everywhere. You can’t skate here,” he says in impeccable English.
'Give back to my country'
It is Somaliland, an autonomous
territory of around four million people in the north of Somalia along
the Gulf of Aden, which has played host to many returnees in recent
years.
The region, which declared self-rule in 1991, has provided a haven of
relative peace and stability in a land otherwise known for decades of
brutal war.
Ayan Hussein was only a young woman when she left Mogadishu in 1997. Now
in her late thirties, she decided to return to the land of her birth in
2010 to look after her ailing mother as well as to venture into
business.
But in making the switch from Britain’s high-end fashion industry to a
boutique in Hargeisa, the worldly and sophisticated Londoner had to make
some sacrifices.
Her clothes stock is now limited only to long flowing robes as per Muslim custom, albeit in loud colors.
“We have to convince our clients that they are not obligated to be in
all black,” she explains to AFP recently, her hair neatly tucked under a
flaming red head scarf.
Directly opposite the clothes shop, on the noisy and dusty main street,
another new business venture is trying to establish itself.
Hussein has just opened a coffee shop that has become the rendezvous
point for Hargeisa’s affluent class, who come complete with sunglasses
and smartphones to sip on their cappuccinos while exchanging gossip in
English.
And indeed the differences between those who stayed in Somalia and the returnees go beyond the language used.
“It is like we have two different societies here,” explains one returnee
from Britain, who came back to work at a recently opened soft drinks
plant.
“Because we are Somali, they expect us to be like them,” adds another
young woman on condition of anonymity. “This poses some difficulties.”
Twenty doctors and health workers
have taken from six months to one year off work in Finland, their
country of exile, to work in Hargeisa’s public hospital and provide
training to local staff.
“This was an opportunity for me to give back to my country and also show my gratitude to Finland,” says Ahmed Abukar, a nurse.
But the first month of interaction between the local staff and the returnees was sometimes tense.
“At the beginning there was a bit of an issue because we needed to get to know each other,” says Abukar.
“Of course there is always a bit of a clash, the locals fear they
(diaspora members) are taking over... they feel threatened,” says Ayan
Rabi, who is in charge of the program, backed by the International
Organization for Migration.
“But they are all Somalis and after a while, all this goes away,” Rabi adds.
The trip home has also offered some interesting lessons for the returnees too.
“Appreciating the simple life is one of the things you learn here,” Abukar says.
For the new general manager of Somaliland's state television Ali Hassan
Khader, coming back home has allowed him to better understand the
importance of the clan dynamics that form the base of traditional Somali
society.
“In one way it is an insurance policy in a country where there is none,”
he says. “If I injure somebody, if I have a car accident, I know the
clan will step in.”
However, even with a boom in returnee numbers, Somaliland’s much coveted
status of being an island of peace in a tumultuous country is slowly
being challenged by an emerging Mogadishu, the capital in southern
Somalia.
Once a byword for anarchy, the war-ravaged seaside capital has enjoyed a
degree of relative stability since al-Qaeda-linked Shabaab insurgents
fled from fixed positions there in August 2011.
Ibrahim Chama, 32, left his job as a government employee in the Welsh
capital Cardiff to set up and manage a grocery store in Hargeisa.
“We are trying to settle down before it becomes too crowded and businesses stop doing well,” says Chama, who left in 1988.
“Now Somalia is getting better, maybe we might try to set up something in Mogadishu as well,” he adds.
U.S. President Barack Obama Sunday said it was “preferable” for
the Gaza crisis to be ended without a “ramping up” of Israeli military
activity, but squarely blamed militants for causing the showdown.
“Israel has every right to expect that it does not have missiles fired
into its territory,” Obama said, adding, “if that can be accomplished
without a ramping up of military activity in Gaza, that is preferable.”
"That is not just preferable for the people of Gaza, it is also
preferable for Israelis because if Israeli troops are in Gaza, they are
much more at risk of incurring fatalities or being wounded," he said.
Obama spoke, in Thailand, after Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu said Israel was ready to "significantly expand" its operation
against militants in the Hamas-run Gaza Strip, sparking fears of a new
Israeli invasion.
The U.S. president said the "precipitating event" of the Gaza crisis was
a string of extremist rocket attacks on Israeli territory, which he
said no nation in the world would tolerate.
He also backed the Jewish state's right of self defense, on a day in
which the crisis deepened, with two rockets shot down over Tel Aviv and
the death toll from retaliatory strikes by Israel hit around 50 people.
Truce?
Israeli President Shimon Peres said
in an interview on Sunday he welcomed efforts by his Egyptian
counterpart to secure a ceasefire in the Gaza conflict but accused Hamas
of rejecting the proposals.
He also said he could forsee a scaling back of the situation and
stressed that Israel was taking great pains not to hit civilians in the
Gaza Strip.
Asked by Britain’s Sky News television if he saw any possibility of a
de-escalation of the conflict, he replied from Jerusalem: “As far as we
are concerned, the answer is yes.
“We also appreciate the efforts of the president of Egypt (Mohammed
Mursi) to introduce a ceasefire. But until now, Hamas has rejected the
proposal of the Egyptian president.”
Hamas “don’t even listen to their Arab brothers,” he said.
“We don’t escalate at all. What Israel is doing is self defense.
“We don’t have any purpose to conquer Gaza.”
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Sunday threatened to expand
the assault on Hamas-run Gaza as the Jewish state pressed ahead with a
fifth day of strikes, killing six people including four children as
truce efforts intensified.
“Basically our purpose is peace; their purpose is to destroy Israel. It’s not an easy situation,” Peres said.
The 89-year-old said Israel was making a “supreme effort” to avoid
civilian casualties but “unfortunately they use their homes, even their
mosques to hide the arms, to make them headquarters of shooting.
“In spite of it, and until now I believe, almost no civilians were hit.
“We shall keep on with our principles. We are not being carried away by
anger or misconception. The government is behaving as a responsible
government that has to defend their citizens, young and old.”
Meanwhile, Israel’s Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman said on Sunday
that Israel would not negotiate a truce with Gaza Strip’s Hamas rulers
as long as rocket fire continues from the Palestinian enclave.
“The first and absolute condition for a truce is stopping all fire from
Gaza,” he said before meeting French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius,
adding that all militant factions in Gaza would have to commit to cease
rocket fire.
“We want a long-term arrangement,” Lieberman said.
President Mohammed Mursi ordered Egypt’s ambassador to
Israel to return home after the latest Israeli strike that killed a
Hamas figure in Gaza. (AP)
By Al Arabiya with agencies
Egyptian President Mohammed Mursi decided on Wednesday to recall
the ambassador to Israel after a series of air strikes in Gaza killed a
top Hamas militant and six other people, his spokesman said.
Mursi decided to “recall Egypt’s ambassador to Israel,” spokesman Yassir Ali said in a statement broadcast on state television.
He also ordered the foreign ministry to summon Israel’s ambassador in Cairo.
Meanwhile, an airport source said on Wednesday that Israel’s ambassador
left Egypt after Mursi announced he was summoning him to discuss the
Israeli attacks in Gaza.
“The Israeli ambassador to Egypt left suddenly along with his embassy
staff... after Egypt summoned its ambassador in Tel Aviv following the
Israeli assault on Gaza enclave,” the source said.
But an Israeli diplomat said Israel’s ambassador to Egypt has not been recalled.
Ambassador Yaakov Amitai had come to Israel before the Jewish state
launched an assault on the Gaza Strip on Wednesday, the diplomat told
Reuters, adding that the embassy in Cairo was functioning as normal.
Egypt’s foreign ministry condemned the attack and called for an immediate halt to the attacks.
The attacks came despite signs that Egypt had managed to broker a truce
between Israel and Palestinian militants after a five-day surge in
violence which saw more than 100 missiles fired out of Gaza and repeated
Israeli strikes on the enclave.
“Foreign Minister Mohamed Kamel Amr condemned the series of air strikes
that Israel is currently conducting against Gaza Strip and which led to
the killing of Ahmed Al-Jaabari,” AFP reported the statement released by
Egypt’s foreign ministry.
“He called on Israel to stop its strikes on Gaza Strip immediately,” the
statement said adding that any further escalation from Israel “could
have negative repercussions on the security and stabiltiy of the
region.”
The statement said the Egyptian minister considered the “Israeli escalation to be very dangerous.”
Meanwhile, Egypt’s Islamist Freedom
and Justice Party, formerly headed by Mursi, said on Wednesday Egypt
would no longer stand by as Israel attacked Palestinians after air
strikes killed a Hamas leader.
The FJP, the political arm of the powerful Muslim Brotherhood movement,
said Israeli air strikes that killed top militant Ahmed al-Jaabari in
Gaza earlier on Wednesday required “swift Arab and international action
to stop the massacres.”
The party, which fielded Mursi in a June election to replace toppled
president Hosni Mubarak, said Israel “must take into account the changes
in the Arab region and especially Egypt.”
Egypt “will not allow the Palestinians to be subjected to Israeli aggression, as in the past,” the party statement said.
Mubarak, overthrown in early 2011, was criticized by his opponents for
his response to an Israeli invasion of Gaza in 2008-2009 following
rocket fire by Palestinian militants.
Mursi, a vociferous supporter of the Palestinians before his election,
had been expected to open up to the blockaded Gaza Strip bordering
Egypt, but his government has backed off from his pledges.
The leader of Hamas in the Gaza
Strip called on Arab states, especially Egypt, to halt Israel’s assault
on the Palestinian enclave, which was launched earlier on Wednesday.
“We call on our Arab brothers, and especially Egypt ... and the new
Egyptian presidency, to suppress this barbaric campaign in defense of
Gaza and its people,” Reuters reported Ismail Haniyeh, the prime
minister of Hamas’s Gaza government, saying in a statement.
“I call for an urgent Arab summit to confront the brutal aggression,” he added.
The Arab League said that it will hold an urgent meeting Saturday to discuss the Israeli strike on Gaza.
