Saturday, November 25, 2017

Nigeria’s kleptocrats have a toxic love affair with London’s expensive real estate

Quarts African
FROM MAITAMA TO MAYFAIR


November 24, 2017quartz africa
London
The prevailing narratives about corruption in Nigeria rarely mention its international dimension. They tend to gloss over how the United Kingdom, United States, and other financial centers welcome the steady stream of illicit cash flowing out Africa’s largest economy.
Yet the country’s kleptocrats are increasingly exploiting weaknesses in the international financial system to launder and conceal their ill-gotten gains, often via high-end real estate in London, New York, and Dubai.This month’s release of the Paradise Papersa juicy sequel to last year’s Panama Papers leak—is a glaring reminder of how offshore tax havens and secrecy jurisdictions facilitate corruption in developing countries like Nigeria. According to Global Witness, the top five jurisdictions implicated in the Papers, are all UK Overseas Territories or Crown Dependencies like the British Virgin Islands, Jersey, and the Isle of Man.
Nigeria has lost an estimated $230 billion or more in illegal financial outflows since 2004: equal to $1,280 for every Nigerian citizen. Expatriating stolen funds to offshore tax havens and secrecy jurisdictions not only sucks value out Nigeria’s economy, it makes stolen funds harder to find and puts pressure on the value of the naira—Nigeria’s flagging currency.

“That’s no moon…”

Recently dubbed “The Death Star of Global Kleptocracy”, London is not just the world’s banking capital, it is also a global focal point for corruptly-acquired wealth. Corrupt officials from around the world find the UK attractive because of its lax corporate and property laws, anemic anti-money laundering safeguards, and the variety of posh neighborhoods.
 Nigeria has lost an estimated $230 billion or more in illegal financial outflows since 2004: equal to $1,280 for every citizen.  At least £4.2 billion ($5.6 billion) worth of UK properties have been bought with suspicious wealth from around the world—likely just a tiny fraction of the total, estimates Transparency International. Decades of such property acquisitions by absentee foreign owners have had a profound impact on London, creating “ghost neighborhoods” where many high-end homes sit empty.
Although it is difficult to gauge what percentage of suspicious properties are owned by Nigerian kleptocrats.The examples below have been derived from corporate, property, and other public records in the UK and Nigeria. Since these property holdings may be of interest to international law enforcement, the names are being withheld.:
  • Three swanky apartments collectively worth over $10 million linked to Nigeria’s former oil minister, Diezani Alison-Madueke. Two of the flats were bought by anonymous briefcase companies registered in The Seychelles and paid for with loan from a Nigerian bank known to facilitate such deals.
  • Three UK properties worth about $7 million in total associated with a senior legislator. One of these residences is owned by his personal foundation, another in his wife, and the most expensive is held by an anonymous shell company.
  • A multi-million pound jet hangar at a major UK airport and London flat owned by one of Nigeria’s most notorious political godfathers. Implicated in contract fraud, election rigging, corrupting judges, and bribing foreign officials, this individual has a wide financial footprint in the UK.
  • A high-end flat in West London held under a fake name used by the son of a former Nigerian head of state. Several UK criminal money laundering and bank fraud cases identify this individual and his pseudonym.

The London laundromat

Why do corrupt Nigeria elites looking to stash their loot find London so attractive?
Home to the world’s snazziest neighborhoods, London has a massive luxury property markets through which large sums of money can be laundered in a single transaction. London’s expensive housing market does not discourage kleptocrats from investing, finds Transparency International. On the contrary, it offers opportunities to launder huge sums of money at a time.
Buying an opulent home in London is a relatively low-risk investment. These properties not only symbolize wealth and respectability, their value often appreciates significantly over time. Such properties can also be used to generate rental income or launder additional money via bogus leases.
UK law allows anyone to purchase property using anonymous offshore companies or complex multi-layered corporate structures. According to the country’s former top anti-corruption cop, this permissive system frustrates law enforcement: “the lack of access to beneficial ownership information about offshore companies…is a major barrier for our investigations. Investigators may spend months and years attempting to peel back layers of secrecy in order to uncover how the proceeds of corruption are being laundered…”

Stemming the tide

What can the UK, United States, and other global financial centers do to wean themselves off of corrupt cash? Because their financial systems are such permissive operating environments, even beefed-up law enforcement and financial intelligence efforts almost certainly won’t stop kleptocrats from trying to exploit them.
To disrupt the flow of corrupt cash from Nigeria and beyond, British and American lawmakers need to issue directives or enact legislation that eliminates home-grown secrecy jurisdictions like the British Virgin Islands and Delaware. They also should create public beneficial ownership registries and expand the range of legal and administrative tools available to identify and investigate suspicious financial and property transactions.
UK lawmakers took a step in the right direction last year when they created a potent new legal tool–the Unexplained Wealth Order (UWO). This mechanism empowers UK prosecutors to force–for example–a Nigerian politician who owns a multi-million pound London flat to explain how he acquired wealth far in excess of his official salary. If he refuses or inadequately responds then the UWO could be used in a separate legal process to seize the official’s suspect assets under the Proceeds of Crime Act.

First line of defense

Although law enforcement efforts have room to expand, Western diplomats on the ground in Nigeria could be doing more to help identify kleptocrats and prevent them from establishing financial footprints abroad. Both UK and US officials have the power to deny travel visas to Nigerian kleptocrats on the basis of credible corruption allegations or unexplained wealth, but rarely do so.
Under UK Immigration Rules, for example, the Home Secretary has wide discretionary powers to exclude non-citizens from the UK when it is “conducive to the public good”. Existing immigration policy guidance allows officials to withhold visas from individuals linked to “proceeds of crime and finances of questionable origins” and “corruption”.
Though by no means a silver bullet—or a substitute for fixing corporate and property laws—visa bans should be a foundational element of any UK or U.S. anti-corruption strategy. Until kleptocrats from countries like Nigeria are stopped from visiting their luxury homes or spending their ill-gotten gains in cities like London, their “Death Star” reputation will be hard to shake.
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What the US can (really) learn from Singapore’s healthcare system


Quartz Africa

The global healthcare spectrum: from inefficient to efficient
40 50 5% 10% 15% 60 70 80 90 30 20 10 Efficiency Score Healthcare as % of GDP
Source: The Commonwealth Fund, Bloomberg Healthcare Efficiency Index
hong kong
88.9Efficiency Score
5.4%Healthcare cost
as % of GDP
 
Hong Kong enjoys the benefits of being one of the healthiest places on the globe: Residents enjoy a life expectancy of 85.9 years for women and 80 years for men, making it overall the third highest in the world. Much of healthcare spending is paid for by its progressive income tax and free treatment is available to all citizens. Still, residents are encouraged to hold private insurance to get more comprehensive care and keep from overloading the public system.

The US healthcare structure continues to be the focus of intense debate, centered on both its effectiveness and its fairness. In the past decade or so, that conversation has only become more heated as factions square off about the degree to which the government should be involved, if at all.
It’s certainly no surprise that passions run deep. But setting aside political or ideological views, at some point most of us are going to depend on the broader healthcare system. To hope for quality care at a fair price seems like a reasonable expectation. What’s more, the economic impact of healthcare policy could be staggering. According to data from the World Health Organization (WHO) and the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation, global spending on health could jump to $18 trillion in 2040, up from about $8 trillion in 2013.
Given its global importance, it’s imperative that the key stakeholders involved in the healthcare discussion consider all options and also examine systems that have shown success in other parts of the world. One of those places is Singapore.

Why Singapore?

In 2017, the Bloomberg Global Health Index ranked Singapore as number 4 in the world, bolstered by a long life expectancy of 81 years, and low infant mortality rate of 1.5 per 1,000 live births. Another Bloomberg index of the world’s most efficient healthcare systems ranked Singapore first in 2014 and second in 2017, behind only Hong Kong. (The US came in at 50th on the 55-country list.)




Lee Kuan Yew School @LKYSch

Singapore’s success in healthcare is built on many measures developed & refined over decades.



What differentiates the small island’s healthcare system from those in other large, developed countries? Dr. Kai Hong Phua of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, cites three key reasons:
 …global spending on health could jump to $18 trillion in 2040, up from about $8 trillion in 2013.  1) The Public-Private Balance. Singapore’s universal health coverage system is largely overseen by the government’s Ministry of Health, but also includes support from citizens and the private sector. “The Singapore government has experimented with a host of different reforms which reflect evolving stages of socioeconomic development, as well as changing priorities in public health—from environmental measures to personal lifestyles and healthcare consumption,” says Dr. Phua. The government also weighs its citizens’ values as a social determinant of health: there is a cultural emphasis on family support in Singapore, which brings with it a strong support network.
2) Sustainable Financing. The government adopts a diversified but integrated approach which includes:
  • Tax measures that pay for accessible public health services and subsidize indigent coverage;
  • Individual saving plans for acute medical care consumption, and;
  • Defined coverage for medical insurance.
The latter only covers catastrophic care, which can help avoid the pitfalls of “moral hazard” (when consumers purchase additional unnecessary care because they’re insured) in comprehensive plans, as well as adverse selection—both of which are typical of private insurance. Subsequently, there are cost-sharing features on both the supply and demand sides of healthcare.
3) Strong Regulatory Governance. Though it encourages free market competition and choice, the government makes substantial targeted investments in areas where market failures would make healthcare costs unaffordable. Because it controls the dominant public hospitals and supply of doctors, there is less emphasis in Singapore to protect the interests of the private sector through supplier-induced demand.

A Roadmap for the Rest of the World?

Many American observers—including William Haseltine, in his 2013 book examining Singapore’s healthcare—said the island’s system might offer a glimpse of how healthcare could look in other parts of the developed world. While those observers may have focused particularly on aspects like cost-sharing or personal responsibility incentives, the key seems to be the quality of government oversight in Singapore’s public policy implementation. And the collective accumulation of savings for healthcare, especially in old age, may be the salvation for increasingly expensive medical systems in ageing societies.

But others—like Dr. Phua—suggest that Haseltine’s optimistic Singapore appraisal may be too focused on the potential solutions it can offer the US healthcare system, rather than investigate its grounding principles. Haseltine glosses over some crucial tenets of the Singapore’s system success: it thrives because its society embraces public health as well as disease prevention, and its health financing scheme epitomizes good governance.



Still, Haseltine notes some factors that may be transferable to other countries’ health systems, especially those facing large demographic shifts. “Today, the emphasis is on planning for the coming demographic crises using the same cross-ministry approach that has worked so well in the past,” Haseltine said in “Affordable Excellence: The Singapore Healthcare Story”. “How can the current system be adapted to provide excellent care for the elderly at a cost the country can afford? This is the central issue for all developed economies. Those planning for the future might well look to Singapore for ideas on how to prepare for the challenges ahead.”
Indeed, Dr. Phua notes the importance of adjusting the various “control knobs” of healthcare financing in order to achieve the proper balance in the system in the future. That is, allocating proper resources to the poor and the elderly, more robust lifelong savings to generate further resources for future aging needs, and insurance to provide greater risk pooling to cover high-cost catastrophic illnesses. This helps to avoid public cutbacks and rationing, or widening gaps between generations and the haves and have-nots.
“Notably, Singaporeans believe in good governance and support stronger regulation and information-sharing within the health sector. They want to enjoy old age with greater peace of mind—with good health and medical care at affordable prices,” he said.
That sounds like a model that could work for the rest of the world.
For additional insights on Singapore’s health policy experience, visit Global-Is-Asian.
This article was produced on behalf of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy by Quartz Creative and not by the Quartz editorial staff.